THE SAHRC: Facilitating Inequality
In the SAHRC`s 2008 Report, then Chairperson of the SAHRC,
Jody Kollapen points out that “ a number of issues raised by the affected
communities, or observed by the SAHRC during this investigation are
symptomatic of systemic inequalities in
addition to possible institutional problems in the relocation processes
undertaken.” He however cautions that
the “impact of business can therefore not always be determined at one point in
time like a snapshot, but is often more accurately reflected over a period of
time.”
We believe that with the baseline of the first 2008 report
and the findings of the second 2015 report, we are now able to draw a much
clearer panorama of the “systemic inequalities” that continue to plaque the
community of Mapela and the complicity or otherwise of the role players and stakeholders
in Mapela.
The report thus brings into sharp focus the efficacy of the
strategies of all stakeholders, including the SAHRC`s 2008 recommendations and
commitments, and by implication the current strategy of the SAHRC in 2015.
In ActionAid South Africa`s Precious Metals II, A Systemic
Inequality report, we outline our concerns which lists the recommendations of
the SAHRC Report contrasted against the findings of the SWOP 2015 report and which
in our opinion indicates a prima facie failure to bring about an improvement in
the human rights condition of the Mapela community.
Re-Affirming
Inequality
This then brings us to our concerns on the current
engagement by the SAHRC following the protests over 10 days in September 2015 which
effectively shut down the AngloPlats Mogalakwena Mine.
Our concerns relate to the following key areas:
1. The
continuation of a strategy that has not worked in past.
2. The
denial of community agency.
3. Mistrust
between community groups and the SAHRC.
4. Perceptions
of collusion between Anglo and the SAHRC.
During meetings with the community, the Mapela Executive Committee
(an organic community organisation), the committee raised concerns, insights
and allegations which have significant bearing on the current processes
undertaken by the SAHRC.
The Mapela executive claim, that they are a representative
community forum established in May 2015 by 32 communities from the greater
Mapela/Langa area, to address various community grievances. They further claim
that they were the leaders of the protest movement which resulted in the
intervention of the SAHRC and that following the SAHRC`s intervention that they
were side-lined as community representatives in favour of the establishment of
a “Task Team” at the insistence of the SAHRC.
The committee further makes the
following claims about the current process:
• That they
have no faith in the SAHRC to resolve their longstanding dispute with Anglo as
they have previously intervened in 2008/2009 and again in 2012 where promises
were made but no resolution was found.
• That the
SAHRC Limpopo manager refused to allow the community to include legal
representatives or advisors thus condemning them to bystanders of their own
processes.
• That, as
with previous “Task Teams”, this Task team were offered stipends and possible
roles and positions in a new R5million Anglo project under Project Alchemy and
that this serves to alienate the Task Team from the community rendering the
Task team moot and compromised.
• It was
for this reason that the Mapela/Langa executive committee refused to
participate in the Task team with the bulk of their leadership outside of the
Task team Process.
• That a
“leadership training” workshop, organised by the SAHRC in Tzaneen during November
2015 and funded by Anglo, did not have any leadership training component but
was instead used to influence the Task Team, as Anglo, The Department of
Mineral Resources, the Mayor, Mapela/Langa Tribal Authority and CoGTA addressed
the Task Team members making various (disputed) claims about the community and
their rights.
• The
Mapela/Langa Executive further claim that the intention of the Task Team was
never to engage in Leadership training but to negotiate around community
demands and that this in itself is a violation of their trust.
• The
committee further suggests that the initial agreement to form the Task Team has
been violated and that the SAHRC has failed to agree on the Terms of Reference
of the negotiations between Anglo and the community as was set out in the
initial agreement. The Terms of Reference was specifically identified as the
first task of the new Task Team. To date the Terms of Reference have not been
finalised.
• The
Mapela executive furthermore strongly pointed out that the initial agreement
was entered into with Anglo to suspend protests and not to end them and vowed
to take up protests again.
• The
Mapela executive also bemoaned the fact that no priority was given to the fact
that the initial protests were peaceful until police started shooting at
residents and that protesters who were arrested and still face charges (96 in
total) must be part of the Terms of Reference.
The view from the Mapela executive and the findings of the
2015 SWOP report contrasted against the SAHRC 2008/9 reports thus inform our
concerns regarding the current SAHRC strategy.
These are:
1. The
continuation of a strategy that has not worked in the past. Based on the
comparisons we have drawn between the 2008/2009 SAHRC recommendations and
reports and the findings of the SWOP 2015 report, we believe that the role of
the SAHRC as mediator in this process has not only produced very little by way
of improving the human rights conditions of the Mapela/Langa community but also
compromises the integrity and standing of the SAHRC as a Chapter 9 institution
tasked with the protection and promotion of human rights.
2. The
denial of community agency. The concerns expressed by the Mapela executive
suggests that the SAHRC was instrumental in denying the community agency after
they had organised themselves into a representative forum, despite the
historical and lingering divisions within the community, by insisting on the
formation of a new Task Team. This is especially significant given that the
SAHRC should be aware, based on its own report in 2009 in which it specifically
raised the issue of “factionalism and distrust”
and noted that these stemmed from “the fact that …representatives were
being paid a stipend for their services, which led other community leaders
feeling marginalised.”. During the meeting between Anglo and the SAHRC in 2009,
it was specifically recorded that “(t)here was therefore a need to get the
right representatives from communities and NGO`s on the committee…and time for
a new body…that will not be paid stipends”.
It is certainly curious that a new task team, who will receive stipends,
is the first thing suggested by the SAHRC Limpopo Manager.
3. Mistrust
between community groups and the SAHRC.
The manner in which the SAHRC Limpopo manager is perceived to be both a
referee and a player, by promoting his preference for who should serve on the
Task Team, promising the Task Team
members that he is negotiating stipends on their behalf, and offering roles in
multi million rand projects, while ignoring the central issues of the
protesting community members and acting as facilitator, is both unhealthy for
any conciliation process but also fails to build confidence and trust within
the broader community about the possibility of resolving the long standing
demands of the community. The community leadership have indicated to us their
willingness to resume protests should the SAHRC process continue unhindered. It
is our view that in this instance, the integrity and the standing of the SAHRC
is in serious jeopardy
4. Perceptions
of collusion between Anglo and the SAHRC.
The perceptions of an apparent cosy relationship between the SAHRC and
Anglo, the failure of the SAHRC`s 2008 investigation and 2012 intervention, to
yield any tangible changes in the lives of a vulnerable community and the
railroading of a continuation of a failed process all serve to bolster a
growing perception among, certainly the leadership of Mapela, that the SAHRC
has no intention of resolving their demands or in protecting their human
rights.
We have raised our concerns with
the SAHRC but have to date not received any response to our concerns. Their
silence and continuing interventions, despite evidence of its lack of efficacy
raises serious questions about this particular Chapter 9 institution and its
ability to add value to the constitutional imperative of driving transformation
in communities that continue to suffer the worst injustices of the past and
manifested in the present.

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