Which Comes First? The Rule of Law, Or Majority Rule?
*This article was first published by Independent Media Group:
“You can do anything as
long as you make the people understand” said Gwede Mantashe on Friday night
as he patiently explained to the country why the ANC Executive had decided to
disregard the Constitutional Court findings that both Jacob Zuma and the
National Assembly had acted in breach of their constitutional obligations.
The Constitutional Court had just managed to clarify the
Constitutional breach which unfolded over the last 7 years, a breach that was
allowed to continue for so long with obfuscations, deliberate mis-
construal and the blind use of the ANC
majority in Parliament.
But it did not take the ANC long to muddy the waters again,
insisting that even though the Constitution is the “anchor, shield and loadstar” of our young democracy and that the “Judiciary is the final arbiter”, that
all of this, was nonetheless irrelevant if the ANC could “make the people understand”.
The upshot of Gwede Mantashe`s insistence on “making the people understand” is a not so veiled promise that the
ANC will use its majority, to ride out the storm and to deal with the
Constitution as and when it suits the organisation.
Unfortunately the matter is not as simple as Gwede Mantashe
tried desperately to convince us it was. Instead, emerging from the
intransigence of the majority Party is a Constitutional and a political crisis
that does not hold much nurturing value and far too much toxic emissions for
the “young democracy” Gwede so glibly refers to.
Leaving aside the political crises that will unfold in
Parliament and the streets of South Africa over the coming months; the
Constitutional Crises is of enormous importance and if not resolved within the
confines of the constitution, will leave our young democracy firmly on the path
to an authoritarian state.
Constitutional Court Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng , in
delivering the unanimous judgement was at pains to place at the very beginning
of the judgement, the fact that our country`s constitution is premised on the
rule of law.
This was no insignificant throwaway statement. And indeed,
the President, the ANC and the National Assembly acknowledged this at the
outset of their own respective responses. However, acknowledging this fact does
not mean that one can escape its implications by either an apology, or by the
use of a majority of electoral votes.
The idea of the rule of law is a thread which has run
through the process of state building for over 2000 years and is premised on
one very simple proposition, that the sovereign, and the state and its
officials, are limited by the law. The long history of the idea of the rule of
law stems historically from the perennial struggle to restrain the tyranny that
inevitably emerges with the exercise of power.
If the state is not bound by the law and is not subject to
sanction from the law, as opposed to sanction by the electorate, then our
society is drawn away from this foundational and fundamental premise of the
rule of law, and instead we revert to the rule of the majority.
This statement may appear innocuous on face value. For is
this not what democracy is all about? Is it not correct that we should rule by
virtue of the majority? The answer of course is yes and no.
Yes we should govern by majority, provided that the majority
governs within the constraints of the Constitution and provided that it does
not act outside of the Rights that have been enshrined within the law through
the Constitution.
And No, the majority rule prescript is set aside as soon as
any laws or practises that emanate from a majority, is in conflict with or
inconsistent with the rule of law as set out in the Constitution.
In a society in which the rule of the majority trumps the
rule of law, we will not be surprised to find in such a society, that with
time, the growth of corruption, arbitrary abuse of power and discrimination
against groups and individuals will manifest in a myriad ways. In short the
tyranny of the majority, unlike the law, is not premised on rational consistent
principles, argued and won by uncompromising struggles of oppressed people, but
rather on the emotional vagaries of promises and patronage.
Our elders who scripted the constitution were fully aware
that even within a society in which the rule of law was paramount and foundational,
this should not limit present and future generations from changing the laws to
suit different and changing circumstances and that the law and the rule of law
could equally be used for good as it could for evil.
The law is ultimately devoid of substantive content and
formal legality and the restraints on regimes are often compatible with both
equality and inequity and the law by itself cannot guarantee fair and equal
distributive outcomes. Indeed it is for
this reason that even when our society is premised on the rule of law, the
majority still ultimately gets to decide what those constitutional laws should
be in order to both restrain the tendency towards tyranny and to ensure that
fair and equal distributive outcomes are achieved.
But in order to do this requires an increased majority to
change the Constitution. In this sense, unless the ANC gathers the increased
majority required to change the constitution, they are under strict formal
legal compulsion to hold the members of its party who have contributed to the
constitutional breach, to account.
South Africa has, since 1994, has had many political moments
in which the country either seemed on the brink of great achievements such as
the adoption of the Constitution in 1996, or on the precipice of doom, such as
the massacre of striking workers in Marikana.
This moment in which the Constitution and the rule of law is
being set aside in favour of the rule of the majority, marks not only the
continuation of the tendency towards autocracy and tyranny but also a decisive
break with the vision and intentions of the drafters of the Constitution.
May our Ancestors guide us.



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